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The interventionist crisis: we also need competition
in money and banking In fact, there are very few markets as strongly regulated as banking. During the last century, political interventionism has been supplanting the free market in banking and finance. First, the states abolished free banking and established public monopolies of currency issuers followed by the expropriation of metals backing the monetary units. Later we had to suffer the legal tender laws, the ascription of lender of last resort attributions to each national central bank and the power of determining interest rates as well as the whole monetary policy to the same monopolies. Finally, the European experiment concentrated these regional monopolies plus the financial supervision of all European commercial, industrial and investment banks in one huge central bank called the European Central Bank instead of forcing them to compete and thus deliver better monetary policies in favor of their consumers, which are all the Eurozone citizens. All of these policies and rules have shaped a sector that looks pretty close to what Karl Marx dreamed of in the The Communist Manifesto: "The Centralization of credit in the hands of the State, by means of a national bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly."Thus, the current crisis, which I expect to worsen in the coming months, is a crisis of monetary interventionism and what we need in order to avoid this painful situation in the future is more private property, free markets and free competition in the monetary and banking world. feedback permalink Beautiful Aid If the EU now truly believes in the free market as the solution to poverty
it should have no trouble unilaterally removing its trade barriers. Moreover,
such a move would benefit European citizens, regardless of what African
countries do. The refusal to take this step is due to China's fast-growing
investment in Africa, which makes the EU-Africa relationship based on
“aid” pale in comparison. European politicians know that compared to the
Chinese, their nations' companies are falling out of favour with African
shoppers in the consumer goods sector. But instead of working hard to
improve competitiveness and outsourcing, our leaders demand the service
sector, in which they believe Europe has an advantage over China, receive
restriction-free access to Africa. Most African countries have not submitted
and now they are paying with rising tariff barriers. Beautiful Aid. We need Cobden back! However, the difference between both episodes is huge. Our representatives and the promoters of this tariff suspension do not mind sending European consumers back into the captivity of quotas and tariffs (and they plan to do it in half a year). Much less, if possible, do they care that grain producers in poor countries cannot prosper because we block their ability to engage us in free trade. We need to bring back the League to demonstrate how total free trade
implies, as Cobden said, "the highest moral revolution ever achieved in
the world." Free-trade EU Ministries? Fire and competition The simplest answer is a 37-year-old forest ranger and an electric short circuit. However, while this could explain the reason for the first flames, it does not elucidate the chaos and the magnitude of the disaster. A more realistic reply is that politicians and environmentalists should be held at least partially responsible for the catastrophe. Both environmentalists and politicians have been working toward the abolition of competition and entrepreneurship in all economic fields that affects the forest. Environmentalists have transformed woodlands with the help of politicians into untouchable areas where farmers are no longer allowed to engage in forest exploitation nor to clean their environment; thus giving the flames free way to jump from one pine wood to the next. Meanwhile, politicians have destroyed the competitive insurance business that generates incentives to establish mechanisms and attitudes in order to lessen the number, size and damages of fires. Even before the fire was under control, they made a new step in this direction by announcing "unlimited and equal funds to pay each owner for the damages their properties might have suffered regardless of the fact of being in possession of an insurance policy". As long as competition and free entrepreneurship is not allowed to reenter
the forest, the prevention and reduction of future fire risks will not
be possible. The rain of public money will, like gasoline, exacerbate
it. Brussels against low cost According to the monopolistic agency in charge of preventing monopolies in Europe, Ryanair's take over bid on Aer Lingus would have resulted in serious harm to consumers. Paradoxically enough, Neelie Kroes, the EU Competition Commisioner, has declared that the union of the two Irish companies would have a probable result in higher prices for more than 14 million passengers. However, just in case this does not happen, the EC has also tried to justify its veto by stating that the new company would have more margin in which to apply new selective airfare discounts. Thus, this means that no matter what Ryanair would do (increase or decrease the asked prices for their airfares), their new market share will not be accepted by politicians even with the support of the public. It looks like the eurocrats do not like Europeans to get low fares. Competition, private property and regulatory bodies
Both institutions have been recently discredited for lack of independence. The president of the CNMV has resigned after being pressured by the government to benefit some business men while hampering others. On the other hand, the CNE has being supporting the changing position of the government concerning the take-over bid on Endesa. Is it not possible to have independent regulatory bodies? Should the
parliament choose these bodies' members instead of the government? These
are the kind of questions the whole country is discussing at the moment.
However, nobody is pointing out that the problem might rest in the mere
concept of state-run regulatory bodies. Why would a public entity be more
independent than a private one? In fact, the absence of a direct link
between ownership of the companies, the image and activity of the regulatory
bodies and the value of the securities makes it hard to believe that a
publicly-run regulatory institution could ever be more independent and
transparent than a private one. If a privately owned regulatory commission
fails to be neutral, companies will change their regulator and the regulatory
company will turn their benefits into losses. On the contrary, public
servants do not suffer the effects of their own mismanagement. Under public
regulators, private companies always suffer the effects of public servants'
lack of incentives to be independent. Thus, as long as we do not speak
about incentives related to private property, the independence of these
regulatory bodies will be nothing more than formal jargon. Cordless market According to the new law, private umbilical cord banks are permitted, and customers can pay the banks to preserve their cords. So far, so good. However, the price will not be freely negotiated, but limited to the cost of preservation of the cells; profit is not allowed. Moreover, the customer has no guarantee the cord will be in its place the day he needs it because the Spanish government has given itself the right to seize an umbilical cord in order to treat a person other than the owner who might require it to improve his health. For this reason, Spain is, according to De la Vega, supposed to be one
of the "most solidary countries in the world" and a "worldwide ethical
reference". The reality is that the market they have created is not only
an obvious ethical perversion, in which the government becomes the owner
of your umbilical cord, but also so uncompetitive that the Prince of Spain,
like many Spaniards, has sent the umbilical cord blood of both his daughters
to foreign countries (one
in Europe and the
other in Arizona, USA). A market without private property can only
be ethical and competitive in the minds of blatant socialists and neoclassical
economists. Legal theft in the name of free enterprise The greatest soap opera Anti-globalization Holy Week Funny as it may sound, Jesus Christ forgot to comment to the apostles
that he was planning to die to redeem a particular group of human beings
in order to privilege them when it comes to enter a heavenly marketplace
- which is exactly what the anti-globalization activists demand. In addition,
the Spanish discovery of America, one of the greater globalizing events
prior to the industrial revolution, counted on the active participation
of the Catholic Church. In the following decades of the Spanish arrival
to the new continent, an interesting debate arose about the rights of
the Indians and, as could not be otherwise, the scholastic thinkers defended
the respect towards the life and the private property as well as the economic
freedom of the inhabitants of the new world. It looks like there is not
much anti-globalization to be found in the processions beyond Banderas'
socialist mind. Roaming Cap The decision will cost mobile phone companies 2,9
billion euros and will obviously have a great impact both on their
balance sheets and on the money they can dedicate to R&D. Roaming prices
currently vary from the 1,87 euros that Vodafone charges to just 22,2
cents per minute asked KPN Mobile. In every European country the consumer
can find several companies offering different roaming tariffs. In fact,
most companies have different prices and try to differentiate their services.
In this market full of diversity, a cap can only damage the business strategy
of some companies while benefiting others. Thus, this new interventionist
policy will hamper the dynamic process of competition and in the long
run even the consumers. Leave us (invest) alone According to the 2005 World Investment Report from the United Nations Committee on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), in 2004 13.2 percent of the 500 largest transnational companies made R&D investments in Spain. It isn't great, but still nothing to sneeze at. And what about the future? How do those 500 companies, the largest on the planet and responsible for two-thirds of world business spending on research and development, view Moncloa's plans? Well, not too enthusiastically. Only 1.5 percent consider Spain an attractive place to establish R&D activities between now and 2009. Spain, following the European playbook on how to consolidate a un-welfare
state, is trying to hide part of the growing productivity gap with the
United States and other freer countries by spending taxpayer money on
R&D. This administration is, once again, falling for the constructivist
socio-economic myth. It doesn't seem to understand the research and development
that really contribute to improving productivity cannot be achieved through
state-injected funds, but only by cutting red-tape, taxes and, of course,
public spending. Absolute investment numbers in R&D don't matter. The
people's needs are what matter. And those are best met if the investors
find a free market and develop a project with their own resources. The
government should stick to trying to end the monetary inflation it fosters
and ensuring politicians leave us alone. Let the rest of us worry about
innovative investment. The "50 Years' Crisis" Borrell's shortsightedness is evident. The European Union is in a crisis
but the cause lies somewhere else. The Union started as a free market
project where goods, services, capitals and people could move without
any restrictions other than the ones related to the respect of private
property. This was a dynamic project that could last forever. However,
the original idea has been substituted by an interventionist experiment.
The dynamics of interventions are such that every step of social engineering
produces imbalances that require further interventions. This is why socialists
like Borrell think that there is no project anymore and the European Constitution
has to be approved in order to continue the inflation of interventionism.
Likewise, the number of members becomes a problem in the "redistributive
paradise" Europe has become. In a free market, the more countries, the
better for all. Let's hope the next president has a clearer idea of the
cause of the 50 years' crisis. From EU aid to State aid Two year later Kroes has declared the she feels "disappointed that the overall level of aid has hardly changed". No wonder: the total amount of State aid granted in 2005 by the twenty-five Member States had only diminished to 64 billion euros from the previous 65 billon in 2004. The champions of this anti-competition race have been Germany, France, Italy, the UK and Spain. These governments have been responsible for 95% of the total aid granted in the EU. Despite her disappointment, the Competition Commissioner does not seem
to take the issue very seriously. In fact, two days after her statement
the Commission adopted a new
regulation doubling the level of government subsidies that small businesses
may receive without breaking EU rules on state aid, and permits State
loan guarantees of up to 1.7 million euros. Far from becoming upset, Kroes
celebrated the new regulation since she thinks it will "prevent distortions
of competition". The realm of the Commission seems to be not only anticompetitive
but also tremendously contradictory. Cartel Myths Live On A Kroes statement has resemblances with the origin of antitrust policies and laws. At the end of the XIX century an unspoken detractor of business unions and agreements led a campaign to pass a law that would regulate competition. This enemy of the trusts and cartels was Ohio's Senator John Sherman. His main argument in order to establish laws that would ban the free agreements between different producers in the market was the same as Neelie's: cartels and trusts seek to increase prices. However, reality did not agree with Sherman's main argument, as those markets where major cartels and trusts were involved saw a higher growth in production and a larger decreases in prices. Regardless of how production and real prices moved in the case of rubber
cartel, the big question for competition is: what in the name of free
competition can justify the prohibition of voluntary agreements between
producers? And the fact is that as long as there are no barriers to entry
or exit the market, a free society that promotes real competition should
allow this kind of agreement. Resisting globalization by means of political unification
A year ago he showed again his aversion to the free market justifying all sorts of restrictions to the free movement of capital inside the EU. Finally, last week Josep Borrell declared (link in Spanish) that "Europe has to speed up political unification to resist globalization". The idea of resisting an environment full of new opportunities is a weird one for a sensible man. After all, who wants to damage his own growth potential? However, beneath the surface of blatant demagoguery lies a plain truth:
the real battle of our time is the one between political unification that
ends in a world government, and a world society with competing governmental
jurisdictions and economic freedom. If we want to live in the second one,
we have to oppose every step in the process of political unification.
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